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cluster bomb unit. CHA confirmed hazardous .. At the annual meeting of the Convention on Conventional Weapons (CCW) in. November Council, has reported on cluster munition use several times use in yeMen. Explore releases and tracks from Cluster Bomb Unit at Discogs. Shop for Vinyl, CDs and more from Cluster Bomb Unit at the Discogs Marketplace. It has participated as an observer in every meeting of the convention, Rights Council resolutions condemning the use of cluster munitions in [12] The US transferred CBU cluster bombs to Saudi Arabia . [8] The contract called for the construction of 1, cluster bomb units by December

Despite these multiple technological developments, states have also continued to use Vietnam War-era cluster munitions.

The United States used updated versions of the Rockeye, containing dart-shaped dual-purpose Mk submunitions that are known to leave behind a high number of unexploded duds, in Yugoslavia inAfghanistan in andand Iraq in At least 86 countries acquired stockpiles of the weapons and their use spread to Africa, Asia, Europe, Latin America, and the Middle East.

Newer, more technologically advanced submunitions have been developed but have failed to solve humanitarian problems. At the same time, models from the s continue to be used. While the Vietnam War may have been the most egregious case of civilian harm from cluster munitions, it was only the beginning.

A Decade of Cluster Munition Use: In the past 11 years, cluster munition use has resulted in disproportionate civilian harm in five major conflicts: In each, cluster munitions have had devastating effects on individuals and communities. They have killed and maimed civilians during strikes with explosions that sent shards of steel in every direction. Unexploded submunitions have lingered on the battlefield, endangering civilians, clearance professionals, and even friendly soldiers fighting through the areas where they were used.

By contaminating fields and farms, cluster munitions have also interfered with livelihoods. The five recent conflicts documented by Human Rights Watch illustrate varied types of cluster munition use and the dangers associated with them.

The NATO air campaign in the former Yugoslavia showed the risks of using air-dropped models in urban areas, while the US bombing of Afghanistan demonstrated that use even in small villages or near populated areas can cause civilian casualties.

Finally, use by Russia and Georgia in the conflict over South Ossetia highlighted that different kinds of players—from major users, producers, and stockpilers to first-time users who import their cluster munitions—turn to the weapons, and that cluster munitions often do not work as intended.

Over the course of these conflicts, some of the armed forces have tried strategies to decrease the harm to civilians of cluster munition attacks, including new technology, changes in targeting, and vetting processes.

The results of Human Rights Watch field investigations, summarized below, illustrate that regardless of the specifics of an attack or the nature of the safeguards taken, cluster munitions always have predictable and unavoidable humanitarian consequences. The evidence calls for an absolute ban on the weapons. As soon as the security situation allows, Human Rights Watch researchers conduct on-the-ground investigations to understand how and why civilians were killed or injured.

Increasingly Human Rights Watch researchers are on the ground during the armed conflict or immediately after ceasefire, as was the case in Lebanon in and Georgia in Research teams investigate the villages, towns, and general area surrounding cluster munition strikes.

At each site Human Rights Watch researchers interview civilians directly affected by the attacks, visit hospitals to interview doctors and collect casualty statistics, meet with demining and aid organizations and military personnel, examine physical evidence of the strikes such as weapons debris and structural damage, and take documentary photographs. Human Rights Watch also employs GPS receivers and mapping programs in order to locate strikes and map data.

After an initial mission, Human Rights Watch continues to conduct follow-up interviews with civilians, deminers, medical experts, and military officials and often sends inquiries to the parties responsible for cluster munition use before compiling and analyzing all of the information gathered. In some cases, it returns to the site of the conflict to assess the long-term effects on civilians.

The results of its findings are then made public in a full-length report with recommendations. NATO could not overcome the threats posed by the inherent nature of cluster munitions. Widespread reports of civilian casualties from cluster munitions and international criticism of these weapons as potentially indiscriminate became so apparent that, in mid-MayPresident Clinton temporarily suspended US use of cluster bombs in this campaign.

The order came just days after the NATO strike on Nis, which was particularly noteworthy for the civilian casualties that it caused. The cluster munitions misfired and fell from 1. Submunitions landed near the Nis Medical School in southeast Nis, in the town center including the area of the central city market place, and near a car dealership and parking lot.

According to media reports, unexploded submunitions on several city streets and throughout the city center endangered civilians after the strike. Even when the weapons are intended for military targets, technical failure can occur at the expense of civilian lives.

Aftereffects According to the ICRC, explosive submunition duds in Kosovo killed at least 50 civilians and injured at least from June to May Adnan, 6, was swimming with his family when he picked up a small yellow object and showed it to his family. While she was there, Sanije stepped on a second submunition and was killed. In this conflict, the United States heeded some lessons from past use of cluster munitions, but the weapons continued to raise the same issues. Improvements in targeting did not eliminate the civilian harm caused by the use of cluster munitions in or near populated areas, and improvements in technology did not adequately overcome the fundamental, and fatal, flaws of the weapon.

Unexploded US submunitions also endangered US troops, in several cases hindering their movements and slowing down operations. In particular, the bombing of Afghanistan demonstrated the danger cluster munitions pose—during strikes and after—even in a less urban and industrialized setting. Unlike in some previous conflicts, the United States did not target roads or bridges in Afghanistan with either unitary or cluster munitions, but it did drop cluster munitions on and near inhabited villages.

While Afghan villages are smaller than Yugoslavian cities, such targets accounted for many, if not most, of the more than civilian casualties documented by Human Rights Watch from cluster munitions during this conflict. The reports of civilian casualties from US cluster munitions drew criticism from nongovernmental organizations NGOsintergovernmental organizations, and some governments, leading to calls for an immediate moratorium until an international agreement could be reached.

These casualty figures do not represent the total for the country because some deaths and injuries went unreported and because Human Rights Watch did not attempt to identify every civilian casualty caused by cluster munitions. The incident in the village of Ishaq Suleiman, northwest of Herat, exemplifies the danger of using these weapons in or near populated areas.

At least eight civilians died during the attacks, and four more died later from duds. US Air Force mission reports, and intelligence documents indicate that the strikes were intended for the nearby Fourth Armored Brigade Headquarters. US Air Force sources also revealed that the choice to fly toward, rather than away from, Ishaq Suleiman resulted in submunitions falling on the village.

The use of CBU cluster munitions so near a civilian population was clearly the wrong choice of weapon, but a strike on such a location with any type of cluster munition is unacceptably dangerous to civilians. Aftereffects Using a conservative estimate of a 5 percent dud rate, the cluster munitions dropped by the United States in Afghanistan likely left more than 12, explosive duds.

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All but 12 of the victims were male, presumably because women have less freedom of movement in Afghanistan, and 68 percent of victims were children under the age of One month later deminers were finally able to clear the site of BLU submunitions.

On December 21,Arbrabrahim, 52, died while plowing a field in Jebrael near Herat. Three children from Nawabad died while collecting wood at the Firqa 17 military base in Herat. The United States used cluster bombs extensively in the cave regions, only to discover later that the duds posed a threat to ground troops. The danger of stepping on submunitions forced them to cut back on such operations, reducing their advantage.

Iraq [] The United States and the United Kingdom used nearly 13, cluster munitions, containing an estimated 1. Unlike in Yugoslavia and Afghanistan, where the United States and its allies only used air-dropped cluster munitions, Coalition forces used far more ground-launched cluster munitions than air-dropped ones.

Ground-launched cluster munitions were less accurate than the newer, air-dropped models used by the US Air Force and caused excessive civilian casualties around the country during and after the conflict. The heavy use of these cluster munitions in populated areas where both soldiers and civilians were present exacerbated the problem and produced the majority of casualties.

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In Iraq, US and UK forces established procedures to vet ground-launched cluster munition strikes, but such precautions failed to protect civilians. The targeting of residential neighborhoods, which were not classified as no-strike sites, caused hundreds of civilian deaths and injuries. Human Rights Watch estimated that cluster munitions caused more civilian casualties than any Coalition weapons other than small arms.

Coalition ground forces launched some 11, surface-delivered cluster munitions containing at least 1. Each one consists of a scored, antipersonnel, steel fragmentation case with an armor-piercing shaped charge inside and can be launched by artillery or rocket.

Coalition air forces also relied primarily on technology that had fallen short in the past when they dropped at least 1, cluster munitions containing more thansubmunitions.

Cluster Munition Strikes in the Iraq Ground War Coalition ground forces did not learn the lessons of past wars, and their cluster munitions killed or wounded hundreds of civilians in populated areas. The United States did not reveal full details about the ground-launched cluster munitions they used, [] but based on available information, Coalition cluster munition strikes left many tens of thousands of submunition duds.

Therefore, they said, they often had to use cluster munitions for counter-battery fire when a unitary warhead would have sufficed. The US and UK militaries employed procedures to vet these ground-launched cluster munition strikes. US forces screened ground-launched cluster attacks through computer and human vetting systems. The computer contained a no-strike list of more than 12, sites including schools and hospitals.

Cluster munition

Strikes were supposed to be kept at least meters away from these sites, and visual confirmation of a clear military target was required. As a result, ground-launched cluster munition attacks, even those on legitimate military targets, were one of the major causes of civilian casualties during the war. The accounts detailed below of al-Hilla and Basra exemplify the civilian casualties of ground-launched cluster munition strikes in populated areas. Al-Hilla Al-Hilla and its surrounding neighborhoods and villages suffered the most from ground-launched cluster munitions.

In Nadir, a poor neighborhood on the south side of the city, for example, every household Human Rights Watch visited had experienced personal injury or property damage from a March 31, attack by the US Army.

That day, the al-Hilla General Teaching Hospital treated injured civilians, including 30 children. Ten relatives sleeping throughout the home also suffered injuries. Jamal Kamil Sabin, 25, was crossing a bridge with his family when a submunition exploded, and he lost his leg. The number of air-dropped cluster munitions used during this period represented 4 percent of the total number of air-delivered weapons used by Coalition forces. In targeting and technology, the US Air Force demonstrated that it had learned many of the lessons from Yugoslavia and Afghanistan, but its track record was far from perfect.

The US Air Force dropped fewer cluster munitions in or near populated areas, and Human Rights Watch found only isolated cases of air-dropped cluster munitions in Iraqi cities. As a result, civilian casualties from such weapons were limited. When the US Air Force did not take care to avoid populated areas, however, cluster munitions caused casualties. The guided CBU with WCMD represented 68 percent of the total number of reported air-dropped cluster munitions used by the United States and probably contributed to the low number of civilian casualties in urban strikes.

Aftereffects Iraq was no exception to the predictable aftereffects of cluster munition use. Months after major fighting ended, submunitions continued to maim and kill civilians.

US estimates of dud rates for the various types of submunitions used in the conflict range from 2 percent to as high as 23 percent, depending on the type of submunition and test conditions. Al-Hilla, subjected to intense US cluster munition strikes during major combat operations, exemplified the lasting effect of submunition duds.

Duds from a strike landed on civilian roofs in the Kam Sabil district of Basra. One 9-year-old girl picked up a submunition that exploded and killed her and injured her pregnant mother and month-old brother. The US Air Force dropped cluster munitions on a date farm in Hay Tunis, Baghdad, that was used to hide military vehicles, a legitimate military target. Across the street from the farm, however, were densely populated civilian areas.

Both boys ultimately died from their injuries. As was the case in Afghanistan, submunitions disrupted agricultural activity. The civilian casualties and socioeconomic harm caused by cluster munitions in Iraq were a foreseeable result of the known flaws of cluster munitions. Coalition soldiers found themselves in a dangerous position when they encountered submunitions during military operations.

On the first night of the war, a convoy of UK military vehicles unwittingly entered a cluster munition field near the Kuwait border and spent half an hour trying to escape the area safely. Several US military officers interviewed by Human Rights Watch said they felt uncomfortable using weapons that produced so many unexploded submunitions. What are the second or third effects? It also showed that high-tech cluster munitions could not prevent the humanitarian effects inherent to the weapons.

The level and density of unexploded submunition contamination was also far worse than anything found after those wars, and unexploded submunitions caused more than civilian casualties. Its use of the weapon in south Lebanon was notable not only because of its scale but also because of the timing and location of strikes.

Furthermore, advanced technology did not mitigate the threat to victims. Israel carried out about 90 percent of its cluster munition strikes after the UN Security Council passed a ceasefire resolution on August 11, but before it took effect at 8 a.

Israeli forces dropped cluster munitions in the middle of towns and villages, contaminating at least 4. In OctoberHuman Rights Watch returned to Lebanon, revisiting some villages and visiting 12 new ones. Again, each was littered with submunition duds. The United Nations has estimated that the total area in Lebanon contaminated with cluster munition remnants was about 49 million square meters. The IDF used five main types of ground-launched and air-dropped submunitions, but the most notable was the widely touted M85 with a self-destruct device.

Deminers and independent researchers, however, documented a failure rate around 10 percent, showing that the technical preventative measure had failed. On July 19,at around 3 p. A strike killed Maryam Ibrahim, 60, inside her home. Hospitals were too busy during the war to record the causes of casualties. Civilians returning after the war found dead bodies of family members, friends, and neighbors but could not determine the cause of death.

Fortunately, many civilians had fled their homes before the barrage of cluster munitions on the final three days of the war, which reduced the number of casualties during strikes.

After the Ceasefire The fact that so many civilians fled led to a relatively small number of strike casualties, but there was a great number of post-conflict deaths and injuries. Deminers estimated an average failure rate of 25 percent, with up to 70 percent in some locations.

Returning after the ceasefire, civilians found their villages, homes, and fields littered with unexploded submunitions. Civilians first became post-conflict casualties of the war while trying to rebuild their lives and homes after the ceasefire.

Salimah Barakat, a year-old tobacco farmer in Yohmor, remained in her home during the war to take care of her two disabled children. She reported hearing cluster munitions fall during the night on the last days of the war. On August 14, the day of the ceasefire, while moving a large rock blocking the stairs to her home, Barakat set off a submunition that lodged shrapnel into her chest, lower abdomen, and right arm.

In Octoberafter recovering from her wounds, Barakat returned to her tobacco fields and olive grove to harvest the crops, but even her backyard remained littered with submunitions.

When Rami picked something up to throw back at his brother, a neighbor boy noticed Rami was holding a submunition and yelled at him to put it down. Rami was reaching behind his head to throw the submunition away when it exploded in his hand killing him and wounding Khodr.

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Resuming agricultural activities became one of the most dangerous activities in post-conflict Lebanon since fields and groves ready for harvest were littered with duds. By the anniversary of the conflict, submunitions had injured at least 50 civilians and killed at least 5 others engaged in agricultural activities. Economic need drove some civilians to put themselves even more directly at risk from cluster munitions.

Certain civilians decided they were unable to wait for professional clearance teams and began the dangerous process of clearing submunitions themselves. Non-signatory the United States US rarely commented publicly on the convention or its position on joining it until Novemberwhen it abstained from the vote on the first UN resolution on the convention.

Unlike other non-signatories, the US has never participated as an observer in a meeting of the convention. The US maintains that cluster munitions have military utility, but, with the exception of a single strike in Yemen, has not used them since in Iraq. There has been no evidence to indicate that the US is using cluster munitions in the coalition operation it leads against Islamic State IS forces in Syria and Iraq. By then, all except a tiny fraction of its cluster munitions must be removed from active stockpile for demilitarization and destruction.

The US last budgeted funds to produce new cluster munitions in Since then, it has only manufactured cluster munitions for foreign sales. The US suspended cluster munition deliveries to Saudi Arabia in May after evidence of civilian harm from the coalition operation in Yemen. It strongly remains the US view that when used in accordance with international humanitarian law, cluster munitions with a low unexploded ordnance rate provide key advantages against certain types of legitimate military targets and can produce less collateral damage than high-explosive, unitary weapons.

The policy continues to be implemented, despite some questionable actions and remarks on cluster munitions such as the following: Leahy D-VT wrote to Secretary of Defense Mattis requesting confirmation that the US continues to implement the policy and an update on the status of US stockpile destruction efforts.