Rosena brown photos of meet

Rosena Brown () - Find A Grave Memorial

rosena brown photos of meet

For the last seven years we have projected a positive image . and meet the youth group. One of the .. Pat McGinn, Mayor of Newry and Mourne Council pictured with Coiste staff Rosena Brown (left) and Rosie McCorley and back row ( l to r). "Rosena was very well-spoken and pleasant to deal with, but she was old " When I next met them they told me they believed she (Brown) had. Born in 30 Jul and died in 27 Feb New Middletown, Indiana Rosena Brown. Rosena Brown. Photo added by Dr. Garry Buchanan. Add Photos I Love and Miss You even though I never got a chance to meet, Many.

Having been caught unawares and with all nearby police and army units alerted, the security forces reacted swiftly and efficiently. Roadblocks were set up along all main roads, while local UDR units joined by the RUC and soldiers from the Staffordshire Regiment swept through a mile search radius.

They did not have to look for long. First a UDR sergeant found a Sterling lying on the Portadown to Gilford Road, then shortly afterwards the Land Rover and hide were found by another member of the regiment. That they did so was down to their infiltration of the UDR. As a Royal Military Police investigation noted: It is quite apparent that the offenders knew exactly what time to carry out the raid. The very fact that all the guard weapons had been centralised and there was only one man on the main gate, a contravention of unit guard orders, was conducive to the whole operation.

The possibility of collusion is therefore highly probable [emphasis original] In fact the conrate full-time UDR sergeant on guard duty that night was Billy Hanna, a former Royal Ulster Rifles regular and winner of the Military Medal for gallantry in Korea. Though much has been written about Hanna by amateur and self-published authors — he is variously alleged to have planned the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, to have been the leader of the Mid-Ulster UVF, and an agent for British intelligence — the UVF has consistently denied that Hanna was ever a member of the organisation much less on its Brigade Staff, as his particularly bad Wikipedia profile alleges.

Although we cannot take this denial at face value, there is virtually no proof for any of these claims. It is almost certain however that Hanna was involved in setting up the Lurgan raid, and it is known that he was later dismissed from the UDR on account of his connections with loyalist extremists. After Lurgan the hold-ups continued.

Unfortunately for the raiders the weapons had been stored without their bolts as a precaution following the previous thefts, rendering them inoperative. However loyalists possessed the ability to manufacture replacement bolts, and had taken spare parts for Sterlings on other occasions. Such safety measures were therefore no guarantee that disassembled firearms could not be restored to working order.

A week later two more incidents took place.

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One of the gunmen was armed with a Sterling SMG, neatly demonstrating the self-sustaining nature of arms raids. Much more serious were the events which had taken place in Belfast in the early hours of that morning. With the rest of the group lying in wait, one of them posed as the watchman and let the new guard into the station.

The trap was then sprung: Once again the raiders were armed with stolen army weapons, this time SLRs. By now nationalists had become extremely concerned about the spate of successful heists targeting military arsenals and personnel. Calling for the disbandment of the locally-recruited regiment, he said: The Secretary of State cannot afford to turn a blind eye to this latest incident and the obvious step which he must take in the interests of the entire Northern Ireland community.

In the UDA was rarely out of the news and as such it took the blame for most of these incidents, but in reality there was no conclusive proof of their involvement. Most, but not all, of these early jobs instead appear to have been carried out by the UVF, and exactly who was responsible for the Oldpark robbery is debatable. But the UDA did carry out a number of operations directed against military installations. Indeed its raids were even more ambitious, as will be seen.

The number of raids on military bases dropped off sharply after this flurry of activity. Security measures at armouries were increased somewhat and sentries were better briefed on what action to take in the event of a hold-up, helping to staunch the outflow of arms. Among the incidents which took place were two robberies in mid-Ulster targeting the homes of UDR members in which two Sterlings, each with a full magazine, and a. Five days later there was more embarrassment for the authorities.

Almost the entire nationalist electorate boycotted the referendum, with just 6, votes cast in favour of a united Ireland. As republicans organised mass burnings of postal votes and voting cards violence was anticipated, and a soldier from the Coldstream Guards was shot dead outside a polling station. Loyalist paramilitaries used the presence of extra guards outside the stations to conduct two arms grabs.

The first took place at a polling point in Berlin Street on the Shankill. A delivery lorry blocked off the road to create an obstruction and then a Transit van appeared, seemingly wishing to get past.

Another man, armed with a Luger, sprang from the back of the van and held up the two sentries. Eight others followed him and disarmed the guard, taking 13 SLRs in total plus their body armour. One soldier who resisted was thrown into a glass door and slightly injured. The raiders then drove off in the van at high speed.

The gunmen escaped in a hijacked Ford Cortina which was later found burned out near Beersbridge Road. They failed to do so but succeeded in disarming the guards of six SLRs, five magazines, and 75 rounds of ammunition. A week later a 26yr old welder from Donaghadee was arrested and charged in connection with the raid. The court heard that he had refused to make a statement or give an account of his movements that night.

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The arms were not recovered. Until now the UVF had been the more active of the two main loyalist groups in launching procurement raids, but if anyone doubted that the UDA were inclined to get involved in such activities the next major break-in would have left them in little doubt.

In the organisation carried out what was then the largest ever theft from an army base by loyalists. The scale of the robbery prompted questions in parliament, leading junior Labour defence minister Brynmor John to issue a statement: The sentry who went to investigate was immediately held up by the men, who were heavily armed. Two further cars then drew up, bringing the total number of men involved to about The guard, consisting of a corporal and six men, were overpowered and tied up.

The raiders then broke into the armoury and stole self-loading rifles, 35 sub-machineguns, one General Purpose Machine Gun, three smallbore. The men then escaped with their haul in two Land Rovers, which were later found burnt out about four miles away. The only casualty during the incident was one of the guards who was knocked unconscious.

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This was a well-planned and slickly-executed undertaking. Moreover, the minister also failed to mention that the UDA had got away with eight grenades and an 84mm Carl Gustav anti-tank weapon, used by the army to fire inert training rounds into car bombs in order to disrupt their firing mechanisms. But as with the Lurgan raid, success was short-lived.

Later that morning the entire haul was recovered by 5 UDR when a 50, litre-capacity slurry pit at a farm roughly four miles from Magherafelt was pumped out after a police tip-off.

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Worse still, the UDA lost the four guns which the raiders had used in their takeover of the camp. Once more inside assistance was in evidence: Ronald Nelson, a member of 5 UDR, was later convicted in connection with the raid. Loyalists did not always have to use force to acquire weapons from the security forces. On rare occasions soldiers or policemen sold arms to the paramilitaries out of sympathy or for base financial reasons.

In a former B Special was convicted of passing guns to loyalists and given a month suspended sentence. Nicholas Hall, a member of 1 PARA, was given a two-year jail term and discharged from the army for supplying the UVF with hundreds of pounds worth of military hardware.

The guns included two L4 Bren light machineguns, 11 9mm Browning pistols, a. He was arrested in Dublin several days later and extradited, leading to a five-year prison sentence. Many of the weapons stolen during the s had been recovered, including most of the SLRs, and loyalists were believed to have turned to overseas sources of arms instead. Just before dawn on the 22nd of February three armed and masked men suddenly appeared in the base armoury and overpowered four UDR soldiers on guard duty.

One man resisted and was knocked unconscious, the remainder were handcuffed and gagged. The gang then spent the next two hours emptying the armoury, loading rifles, two Bren L4 light machineguns, 28 pistols, and thousands of rounds of ammunition into a UDR Transit van. Military radios and binoculars were also taken. The raiders then calmly drove out the front gate.

Once again, such a large theft could not fail to initiate a massive security alert. One of the guards managed to free himself and raise the alarm, and less than an hour later the van was stopped by the RUC 40 miles away on the M2 near Templepatrick. The stolen weapons plus two guns used by the raiders were recovered. The Laurel Hill raid sparked a political outcry. It is obvious that, if a loyalist group can drive up to the front gate of the UDR base, load up virtually the entire arsenal of weapons, using a UDR vehicle, then that base has nothing to contribute to security as I understand the term.

Although both Ken Maginnis and Coleraine deputy mayor James McClure dismissed allegations of inside help, instead blaming a recent reduction in guard numbers, two lance-corporals in the UDR were arrested. Initial reports that the UDA had gained access by cutting the perimeter fence were incorrect: He was jailed for nine years while his accomplice received a two-year suspended sentence.

The procurement raids targeting the security forces were undoubtedly an important source of arms for the loyalist paramilitaries in the early days of the conflict. It gave them access to powerful and reliable hardware at almost no outlay for those bold enough to take on the military inside its fortified citadels. Penetration of the security forces helped.

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Although individually collusive acts were clearly in evidence in many of the incidents, there is nothing to suggest that this constituted a systematic or officially-sanctioned policy. On the contrary, the raids caused much embarrassment for the army and government. It is also clear from the Lurgan, Magherafelt, and Laurel Hill robberies that while security measures and personnel screening in those days left much to be desired, the army and police were diligent in recovering the arms once taken.

Regular security operations also helped to pick up some of the firearms, but many more remained at large and were used intensively: For all the criticism from republicans regarding the raids on army bases, the IRA did not turn down weapons from similar sources across the Atlantic. Between and6, firearms and 1. One raid on a National Guard armoury in Danvers, Massachusetts in seized, among others, seven M belt-fed general purpose machineguns, which were later smuggled to the Provisional IRA.

Two years later Gunner Paul Sheppard of the Royal Artillery became the first member of the security forces to be killed in an M attack. Weapons were also stolen from the Irish Army, including a GPMG from Clancy Barracks in January which went on to be used in numerous attacks — including several attempts to shoot down helicopters — against the security forces in Northern Ireland.

The record shows that when loyalists overreached themselves the arms raids usually ended in failure.

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In the case of the two mammoth UDA heists all of the weapons were recovered within hours, while the UVF raid on Lurgan was only a partial success in light of what could have been. The practical issues of transporting and hiding such large amounts of weaponry, and the aggressive response from the security forces that these undertakings inevitably provoked were inimical to making a clean getaway.

The two UDA operations could not be faulted for their planning or execution, but their very ambition sabotaged their chances of success. UVF hold-ups on the other hand tended to be less grand in scale, but they kept more of their gains.

Claims of Provo infiltration of police are supported -

More importantly, they entailed a significant degree of risk — as the Magherafelt and Laurel Hill jobs showed, success was far from guaranteed. Another source exploited by the paramilitaries represented far less of a gamble in operational terms: The legal trade in arms continues to play a small but significant role in arming non-state actors in conflicts around the world.

The ownership of guns was a deeply contentious issue during the Troubles, particularly for nationalists and republicans, the roots of which can be traced back much further to the Penal Laws which began to be enacted in the late 17th century.

In an effort to neutralise the threat to English and Scottish settlers, and to Great Britain itself, posed by the rebellious and discontent native Irish, legislation was introduced which barred Roman Catholics not meeting a property and financial qualification from owning swords or firearms.

The laws were gradually repealed over the course of the 19th century, but disarmament at the hands of the Ascendancy proved to be a bitter and potent fragment of folk memory which played an important part in shaping modern republican attitudes towards legal Protestant-owned guns. Further illustration of this viewpoint can be found in an article from this period by Ann Cadwallader. Writing in Ireland on Sunday, Cadwallader, now a researcher and activist for the Pat Finucane Centre, made use of a comically dramatic and overblown metaphor to relate nationalist fears: Raids were soon organised on gun dealers, shooting clubs, and the homes of those known to possess weapons.

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Potential targets were plentiful — in there were registered dealers and clubs in existence throughout Northern Ireland. We only got five shotguns. Stone was later arrested for the robbery, denied all paramilitary involvement, and received a six-month sentence. In the same period raids were also taking place outside Northern Ireland. Over the border in Co Louth, loyalists stole 40 assorted firearms from a gun shop and gunsmiths in Drumiskin. A search of the premises uncovered 15 rifles and rounds of ammunition which he had recently stolen from Greenside Rifle Range in Edinburgh.

A year earlier Strutt had made a dramatic escape from Crumlin Road jail by sawing through the bars of his cell, disguising his absence with a dummy complete with painted papier mache head and wig made from his own hair in his bed. Nationalist concern over the growing number of thefts targeting guns shops, clubs, and owners led to a major debate on gun control which dominated the second half of It came to a head in October when leader of the opposition Harold Wilson opened his speech at the Labour Party conference in Blackpool by calling for a total ban: Must our troops be subject to a virtually uncontrolled gun-law?

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On April 6,18 months ago, in the anxious debate which followed the deposition of Major Chichester-Clark and the accession of Mr Faulkner, I demanded that all gun licences be withdrawn, subject to a minimum issue for self-defence in remote areas, including the border.

I demanded that, these apart, the holding of private weapons be no longer tolerated in Northern Ireland.

There are upwards oflicensed weapons in Northern Ireland, and God alone knows how many illegal ones. I now warn Mr Heath. The possession of private arms is not an inalienable human right. Public opinion in Britain will not for long tolerate the continued presence of British troops, unless firm action is taken to make illegal the holding of private arms.

Compared with the surfeit of Armalites, sub-machineguns, and other weapons swamping Northern Ireland at the time legally-held firearms constituted a small and not particularly formidable threat, but Wilson was keen to take up the concerns of the minority community and outmanoeuvre the government on the issue.

William Whitelaw pointed out that no member of the security forces was known to have been killed with a legally-held gun at that point, although the situation regarding civilians was less clear. The Lynch government in the Republic had already mounted the preventative call-in of all handguns, and rifles over. A statement released following a meeting of the group in Lurgan let it be known that: What entitles them to the privilege of being armed other other than that they are, in the main, Unionist Government supporters?

In November a 27yr old Dunmurry man was jailed for four years at a court in Belfast for unlawful possession of five rifles, two shotguns, and rounds of ammunition with intent to endanger life.

Gun owners reacted angrily to talk of a ban, claiming that any law would unfairly and disproportionately affect rural Protestants and leave them at the mercy of an IRA well-armed with illegal guns, with George Green of the Ulster Special Constabulary Association heading up criticism. I am quite appalled at your attitude towards legally-held guns which, as you must appreciate, are in the hands of sportsmen. I can appreciate that the present situation in Northern Ireland could cloud personal judgement but I can see only political opportunism in your recommendations to Mr Paul Channon in the House on 31st Julyto impound all privately and legally held guns in our province […] even the most naive person must appreciate that even if all legally-held guns were impounded, the illegal rifles, revolvers and explosives would still be in profusion, and it is these which are taking human life […] remember that the authorities know where the legal guns are; it is the illegal guns they have to worry about.

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In the end only 1, fullbore rifles were called in to be held in gun clubs with fortified stores. The debate had an unexpected side effects as the UVF deviously took advantage of confusion over the law.

Two men posing as police officers enacting a call-in of legal arms came to the door of a gun owner in Templepatrick and tricked him into handing over a licensed weapon.

A week later in Glengormley they succeeded in taking a shotgun using the same ruse, even giving the owner a receipt for the gun. As a result of a number of such deceptions the RUC were forced to issue a statement reiterating that no call-in had been ordered. The more confrontational robberies that were also taking place at this time were not without risk. An attempt by two loyalists, one armed with a revolver, to steal weapons from a licensed owner living off the Albertbridge Road was foiled when the man opened fire on them with a shotgun.

How important were legal civilian-owned guns as a source for the loyalist paramilitaries? Nationalist claims of upwards offirearms in circulation were incorrect.

In the figure actually stood at roughly 77, certificates coveringweapons of all kinds: The militarily-worthless airguns were not, are not, subject to license in Great Britain, leaving a total figure of 92, Neither remaining category constituted a particularly formidable resource: Even then it is doubtful whether they would have been of much benefit beyond a simple morale-booster.

The experience of the Confederacy during the American Civil War proved that shotguns are a poor substitute for military firearms. By and in the face of mounting attacks on vulnerable off-duty personnel that figure had increased to 7, Northern Ireland was not subject to the ban on handguns enacted by the Tory and later Labour governments in response to the Dunblane massacre ofand while up to date figures are not available it is believed thousands of PPWs are still held by serving and former members of the security forces and prison service.

Politicians, contractors to the security forces, and other figures seen as potential targets for assassination were also granted PPWs. Even Sinn Fein, in spite of its usual hostility towards legally-held firearms, called for its members to be permitted licensed guns for their protection in August after scores of loyalist attacks. It was not a popular choice — although concealable its hitting power was regarded as pathetic and its rimmed cartridge was not conducive to reliability, leading many to purchase more powerful guns at their own expense.

Later it was replaced by the far superior Walther P5 in 9mm Parabellum. All the same, loyalists attempted to steal the little PPs whenever the opportunity presented itself. Typically an off-duty UDR man would be identified in a bar and waylaid on the way out once he was the worse for wear.

Violence was sometimes used. The off-duty soldier had drunkenly fired his gun in the air minutes before the attack. Politicians have frequently turned to gun prohibition as a quick-fix solution to violence or in response to political crises. Even had a blanket ban been enacted loyalists would still have been able to equip themselves through raids wherever guns were kept.

The lengths they were willing to go to, and the eclectic nature of the sites they targeted in their search for arms, are clearly demonstrated in the daring UVF raid on the government forensics laboratories in Belfast in early It was there that spent ammunition cases and bullets unearthed from crime scenes and removed from the bodies of shooting victims would be expertly examined, catalogued, and cross-referenced against an index of previously-recovered examples to identify both the weapon used and the possible perpetrators.

Articles of clothing were also held for analysis to detect traces of explosives and gunshot residue. At around 2am on Saturday the 31st of March a large number of UVF men — the exact figure is unknown, but as many as 10 cars are believed to have been involved — breached security at the Belfast headquarters of the Department of Forensic and Industrial Science on Newtonbreda Road.

Surprisingly, this was not a difficult task in itself: Having made it inside, the UVF got to work. They go to an off-shore island with passengers and goods.

During, a dance at a pub, Badger picks up a soldier who is on holiday from border duty. They are discovered in the toilets by the soldier's sergeant. Later, they dance in the pub, but when they are observed being intimate by the sergeant he attacks Badger. Spider intervenes on behalf of Badger an a vicious fight ensues, until Reefer separates the pair.

Later, the sergeant goes to the trawler and tries to knife Reefer, but Reefer knocks him out and throws him overboard. On their way back to the mainland, the trawler breaks down, and Reefer suggests they rob a bank to pay for the parts.

Before going on the raid, the Model invites Reefer to make love. In disguise, the three men rob a mobile bank. They make their getaway in a police car and hide the money. They come upon a crashed police car in which one of the policemen is dead. The second policeman wakes up and realises who they are. Spider plans to shoot him, but then changes his mind and tries to drown him.

The police Task Force raid the trawler as Reefer observes them. The Model is arrested and then released. At the trawler, the Model starts up the engine as Reefer rows to meet her. Meanwhile, the police surround the hideout as Spider and Badger collect the money. Spider fires a loaded shotgun at them and is killed by the return fire.

Reefer's mother holds up the policeman guarding the boat and forces him to take off his clothes. Meanwhile, the Model takes the trawler into the bay as she begins to give birth to the baby. In a rowing boat. Reefer tries to catch up with the trawler as it heads out to sea but the boat is destroyed by the trawler.